TWENTY Years of Pdvsacide
The company that produces nearly all of Venezuela’s export earnings looks like a store the day after it’s been looted. How chavismo took an oil giant from world class to bankrupt-in-all-but-name in just two decades.
The company that produces nearly all of Venezuela’s export earnings looks like a store the day after it’s been looted. How chavismo took an oil giant from world class to bankrupt-in-all-but-name in just two decades.
The first and most iconic of Chávez’ misiones, promised to create a world-class primary care network, not only failed at its immediate objective, it also syphoned billions from hospitals, mortally wounding them.
“I’m going to erase adecos from the face of the earth, I’m going to fry their heads in oil.” Everyone knows Chávez made that threat back in 1998. Except he didn't. A look at TWENTY years of fake news.
Venezuela had always been violent, but crime soared beginning in 1999. Waking up, late, to this reality, the government tried to fight crime with limitless violence. Two decades on, we’re the third most violent country on earth, and the second most murderous.
The story of the Chávez era is the story of dramatic events that changed the course of history again and again. From the 2002 Oil Strike to ¡Exprópiese! to the Death of Hugo Chávez, here are the twenty turning points that drove the Chávez era.
The plague is not made on a human scale, and so men always say that the plague is unreal, a bad dream that must pass. But it doesn’t always pass, and from one bad dream to the next, it’s the men who pass.
The basic infrastructure of State telecom company Cantv is in shambles as Reuters recently found out and of course, ordinary Venezuelans are the ones paying the price. Hugo Chávez’s home state of Barinas, knows first hand about the consequences of corruption, theft and disrepair caused by the revolution.
Machiques de Perijá is one of the most fertile areas in the country. Their plague? Livestock trafficking, smuggling, robberies and cold blooded murder in the hands of gangs acting like they’re in charge because, well, they are and nobody can stop them.
If you saw the University of Carabobo’s election two weeks ago as solid proof of the power of voting against deeply authoritarian regimes, the TSJ has something to remind you.
Did Raúl Gorrín finance opposition political parties? It’s very likely. Because chavismo made it nearly impossible for politicians to raise money without getting mixed up with regime cronies.
We’ve been able to hang on for 22 years in one of the craziest media landscapes in the world. We’ve seen different media outlets in Venezuela (and abroad) closing shop, something we’re looking to avoid at all costs. Your collaboration goes a long way in helping us weather the storm.
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