The Capriles-Rosales Partnership Sets Up a Shaky Electoral Offer

Expelled from PJ and now aligned with UNT, Capriles and Tomás Guanipa are launching an electoral platform as chavismo removes their political bans. Meanwhile, certain alliances raise questions about what it means to be “opposition” #NowWhatVenezuela

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The Capriles-Rosales alliance finally breaks with the democratic opposition

What had been brewing for months is now official, following the end of the registration period for Venezuela’s upcoming “mega-elections” of governors, state legislators, and National Assembly members. Among the parties that supported Edmundo González last year, Un Nuevo Tiempo (UNT) is the only one allowed to participate in the May elections. Movimiento por Venezuela and Centrados—which had backed former presidential hopefuls Andrés Caleca and Enrique Márquez—have been excluded from the ballot.

UNT leader Manuel Rosales formalized an alliance with the soft wing of Primero Justicia (PJ), whose top figures Henrique Capriles and Tomás Guanipa have been expelled from the party. Both now appear on UNT’s list of candidates for the National Assembly, alongside other critics of María Corina Machado’s leadership who are unaffiliated with the party. These include Henri Falcón (who lost to Maduro in the 2018 presidential election), Pablo Pérez (former governor of Zulia and presidential pre-candidate in 2012), Felipe Mujica (Secretary General of MAS), and Amelia Belisario and Ángel Medina—both former lawmakers in the 2015 National Assembly, expelled from PJ alongside Capriles and Guanipa.

Capriles and Guanipa are also launching a new political platform with its own spot on the ballot: Unión y Cambio, or ÚNICA.

Why it matters: Capriles had been barred from running for office since 2017—a ban that was reaffirmed in 2024 after he supported Machado and González in the presidential race. Guanipa was also banned during that time. Now, PJ’s leadership accuses them of negotiating the lifting of their bans with Maduro & Co. in order to break with Machado’s leadership and run for the May vote.

“When negotiations are partial and personal, they deeply harm the unity of the opposition,” said Juan Pablo Guanipa—Tomás’s brother and a national PJ leader currently in hiding. “I can never endorse any conversation with the regime that isn’t institutional.”

More information: In addition to joint National Assembly nominations, the UNT-ÚNICA alliance is backing the four nominally non-chavista governors elected in 2021 and will field candidates in all other states except Trujillo. Among the most notable is Juan Requesens, who is now running for governor of Miranda with Capriles and Rosales’s support. Requesens was elected to the 2015 Assembly with PJ and imprisoned by Maduro from 2018 to 2023.

PJ president María Beatriz Martínez hinted that Requesens resigned from the party on relatively good terms, in contrast to Capriles and Guanipa. “Despite his critical stance, it’s important that he respects the party’s institutions and decisions.”

Other gubernatorial candidates include Lustay Franco, a longtime student activist and former member of Acción Democrática, who is now running in Falcón; Nirma Guarulla in Amazonas, the sister of former governor and indigenous leader Liborio Guarulla, who was banned from office for 15 years; and María Carvajal in Monagas, the wife of a local political figure arrested during González Urrutia’s presidential campaign.

There are clear contradictions and lack of coordination among the groups identifying as opposition and taking part in the election. According to Efecto Cocuyo, ÚNICA and UNT are supporting Nueva Esparta governor Morel Rodríguez—who endorsed Maduro in last year’s presidential elections. Meanwhile, Alberto Galíndez—recently expelled from PJ for seeking reelection as governor of Cojedes—is backed by a faux opposition party. Rosales’ own candidacy for governor in Zulia is supported by Antonio Ecarri and his Alianza LÁPIZ, even though the former is running for the same Assembly seat as Capriles. Tal Cual reports that LÁPIZ is backing the four current non-chavista governors in their reelection bids, while also running its own candidates in about seven states and endorsing candidates from faux opposition parties in Bolívar and Trujillo.

Soaring fish prices complicate the Easter menu

Food inflation—32% in local currency last month—is forcing many Venezuelans to alter their Holy Week meals. With fish now unaffordable, some families are turning to less traditional foods like eggs and canned fish—or breaking with Catholic tradition entirely and eating chicken or beef, depending on what’s available.

“Eating fish is a luxury—and so is eating meat. Eggs are the only thing somewhat affordable, and even that’s not guaranteed,” Eduvigis Peñera told La Prensa del Táchira.

“Many people can’t have their fish this year, but we can replace it with other proteins, like egg tortillas or canned tuna and mackerel, which are more affordable,” said Beatriz Umaña to the same outlet.

El Pitazo highlighted major price disparities depending on fish type and location. A kilo of tuna can cost $9 in Zulia, $11 in Miranda, and up to $16 in Caracas. Cheaper fish like corocoro and roncador go for $4–$5, while a kilo of filleted grouper or tuna in Caracas costs around $16. Shrimp can go for $20 per kilo, both in Zulia and the capital.

More information: Radio Fe y Alegría reports that consumer habits are shifting significantly this year. Buyers are staying away from typical Holy Week items—not just fish, but also capybara and caiman meat, and ingredients for traditional desserts. Sellers are offering bundles and deals to attract customers despite the drop in demand.

“There are even limits to travel. People are choosing local religious tourism or family gatherings at home to save money,” said Luiba Malpica, an economist and professor at Universidad Centroccidental Lisandro Alvarado.

Recommended reads:

  • Runrunes: Laura Guerra Angulo—Nicolás Maduro’s former sister-in-law and aunt of “Nicolasito” Maduro Guerra—will become president of the Venezuelan Central Bank, just as a new wave of economic turbulence is expected.
  • Versión Final: In response to Trump-era immigration policies, Venezuelan migration through the Darién Gap dropped by 90% since January, according to the Panamanian government.
  • Efecto Cocuyo: The Venezuelan Observatory of Violence reports a rise in robberies in Caracas between January and February 2025.
  • NTN24: In Miranda, police have arrested a former CICPC chief wanted by U.S. authorities on drug trafficking charges.