Caracas Chronicles

First, a point of order. Since the release of our weekly dispatches we’ve been debating over the name of this digest. “The Local Dispatch” was catchy and cool, but once again we ran into the language barrier when we decided that this report had to be bilingual. “El Dispatch” or “The Despacho” wouldn’t cut it. As it happens during a political crisis, we’ve been doing 10,000 things at the same time and on our social media platforms we started pushing breaking news under the hash: #NowWhatVenezuela. We thought it was playful and that it could encompass a bunch of things at the same time as in “what the heck happened now?” and “what the heck comes next?” The Spanish translation Ahora Qué works similarly well.

So, now what? Well you’re going to start to see this message across all our platforms, which btw now include a WhatsApp channel, the ruling platform in Venezuelan communications. Join in so you can stay up to date with what’s going on in la patria, from the stuff at the top of the page to those underreported news that give the best context of our insane reality.

Join our official channel in English through this link: https://whatsapp.com/channel/0029Vb1c7XT9MF8sDxVIBS3G

New steps to outlaw dissent through laws and the constitution

This isn’t the first time Maduro has called for tweaking the constitution of his predecessor and political mentor. Back in 2017, the Constituent Assembly—established after the Supreme Court took over parliamentary powers and the regime faced three months of street protests—was tasked with drafting a “reinforced” constitution. It never happened. Instead, the assembly focused on replacing the opposition-led National Assembly elected in 2015, disqualifying opposition candidates and parties, and granting Maduro extraordinary powers, including the ability to sign oil contracts bypassing the legislature. Chávez’s 1999 constitution remained untouched, its last amendment being the removal of term limits via a 2009 referendum.

Now, chavismo seems to be pursuing a less ambitious but more targeted project: reforming specific articles and laws to cement near-total control over political participation. The goal isn’t to replace Chávez’s constitution but to revise existing provisions to ensure that opposition figures who reject Maduro’s presidency are barred from future elections.

Last night, during his “Annual Message to the Nation: 2024 Achievements and Victories” (formerly Memoria y Cuenta), Maduro appointed Tarek William Saab to lead a new national commission for constitutional reform. Key figures like Cilia Flores, Delcy Rodríguez, and Hermann Escarrá will serve on its executive secretariat.

Why it matters: What’s chavismo’s endgame? Jorge Rodríguez has been negotiating with fake opposition (Burro Martínez, Parra, Brito, etc.) to outline the 2025 electoral calendar and reform key laws like the Political Parties Act, the Public Demonstrations Act, the Electoral Processes Act, and Articles 130 and 131 of the constitution. These articles broadly mandate Venezuelans to defend the nation and adhere to the constitution, laws, and public authority. According to constitutional experts consulted by Efecto Cocuyo in November, these reforms aim to ban figures who oppose Maduro from running for office.

More info: Centrados, the party led by Enrique Márquez—the former presidential candidate missing since last week—has rejected chavismo’s call for expedited elections. The party had previously participated in legal reviews, submitting an electoral reform proposal in November that was ignored.

Teachers’ Day: the crisis of Venezuelan educators in numbers

“The highest-paid teachers [Docente IV level] now earn 389.59 bolívares every two weeks [$7.20 at the official exchange rate],” said Maira Marín, president of the Venezuelan Teachers’ Union in Anzoátegui, in an interview with El Tiempo. “We celebrate our day with fond memories of decent pay and social security. What’s there to celebrate on January 15?”

In Bolívar, teachers told Correo del Caroní they juggle at least two other jobs to make ends meet—selling ice cream, tutoring, or driving school transport. In Táchira, many rely on the border economy, reselling Colombian goods or cleaning homes in Cúcuta, according to El Pitazo. Reporter Francesca Díaz notes that even with bonuses totaling around $130, educators can’t afford the basic food basket, forcing 76% to leave the profession in recent years.

Will there be teachers for tomorrow’s students? Incentives to pursue teaching as a career are virtually nonexistent. “At UCAB’s Guayana campus, the education program used to be full. Now, they had to close it—students don’t want to enroll,” said a source. “It’s not just that they don’t want to, but they realize: Why study a career that won’t pay enough to support a family?”

Why it matters: Venezuela needs approximately 256,000 teachers to secure the right to education. Between 2018 and 2021, the country lost 160,000 educators, according to Celsa Afonso, director of UCAB’s Education School. In an interview with Radio Fe y Alegría, she stressed the urgent need for a national education census to determine teacher-to-student ratios in public schools, which currently serve around six million children and adolescents.

Fallout from the January 9 protests, from Maracaibo to Tucupita

In Caracas, Efecto Cocuyo reports that PNB officers have been stationed at all entrances to the Central University of Venezuela since classes resumed on Monday. The heavy presence follows the appearance of two banners at the Central Library: one reading “truth conquers darkness” and another with “7,443,584,” referencing the votes received by Edmundo González on July 28.

Though law student Manuel Muñoz, a Vente Joven coordinator in Caracas, was released after his disappearance on January 9, two UCV students remain imprisoned in Tocorón: Anthony Granadillo and Armando Solís, students of Architecture and History respectively.

In Maracaibo, Vente Venezuela coordinator Daniel García has been detained at a GNB station since January 9. His mother, Jenny Morillo, told TalCual: “He’s not a prominent political figure, just a supporter of a party. But in Venezuela, thinking differently is a crime.” García’s wife spends her days outside the station, hoping to see him. Public defenders have been assigned to his case, which may be transferred to anti-terrorism courts in Caracas—a 12-hour bus ride away.

In Tucupita, Vente Venezuela denounced the detention of Christian Méndez and José Ángel Lepage, activists arrested during the January 9 protests. Lepage leads María Corina’s party in Delta Amacuro.

Why it matters: About two-thirds of politicians arrested since July 28 are Vente Venezuela members, according to a report by the Alianza Rebelde Investiga.

Recommended reads:

• La Patilla: Pableysa Ostos reports on post-electoral repression in Bolívar, where 10 political leaders remain detained after enforced disappearances.
• Crónica Uno: A feature on how some Venezuelan educators persist in teaching despite abysmal pay.
• Efecto Cocuyo: A fact-checking explainer on peace judges, their roles, and the concerns surrounding their powers.
• Portuguesa Reporta: Fedeagro reports a decline in vegetable and cereal cultivation due to lack of funding in 2024.