Caracas Chronicles

Venezuela started 2025 with a historic number of people arrested for political reasons. NGO Foro Penal reported 1,697 citizens behind bars as of January, following the post-electoral crackdown after the presidential elections on July 28. By December 26, 181 political leaders and activists from various parties had been detained, but the repression increased, and the figure rose to 221 by January 11.

These individuals were removed from their homes or intercepted on streets, in businesses, and on highways by Venezuelan security forces, mostly without arrest warrants or explicit reasons.

December releases and the “revolving door” effect

December was marked by prisoner releases. By Christmas Eve, Foro Penal confirmed the release of 100 individuals, including all minors. “However, many young people remain imprisoned,” said Alfredo Romero, director of the NGO.

Relatives of political prisoners at Tocuyito Prison (Internado Judicial de Carabobo) told the Venezuelan Prison Observatory (OVP) that those released were subjected to restrictions, including signing a commitment “in which they promise not to disclose to the press what they experienced in prison, or they would be arrested again.”

The crackdown continued against María Corina Machado’s party Vente Venezuela, which accounts for 67 (29.9%) of the 221 arrests recorded by January 10. However, the persecution also extended to allied and unaffiliated parties, affecting those within and outside the opposition alliance Plataforma Unitaria Democrática (PUD).

While the state released some, it arrested 12 other political figures during the same period. On December 28, PJ reported the arrests of Gregorio Graterol, the president of the party in Falcón state; his nephew, Carlos Chiquito Graterol; and José Rafael Granadillo, also a PJ militant, at a military checkpoint in the El Cardón sector, on the Punto Fijo-Coro highway.

The phenomenon of simultaneous releases and new detentions is known as the “revolving door” effect, where political prisoners are freed while others are detained.

Early 2025: rising arrests

January saw an increase in detentions, with 46 political leaders, journalists, and human rights activists arrested between January 2 and January 11.

On January 10 alone, Voluntad Popular (VP) leader Enderson Rivas was arrested in the Bruzual municipality of Yaracuy, and Noel Álvarez, former president of the business association Fedecámaras and campaign leader for Edmundo González Urrutia, was detained in Miranda state.

Miriam Gómez and Alaina Rangel Gómez, the aunt and cousin, respectively, of VP activist in Táchira Zuleika Meneses were taken out from their home in the Cárdenas municipality by SEBIN agents without a search or arrest warrant.

“They took information about me, my bags, and folders from my home (…) I hold them responsible for anything that happens to my family,” Meneses stated in a video posted on X.

On January 9, at least 10 arrests were confirmed in different states during opposition-led protests in the country and abroad. Among those arrested were two local leaders of Vente in Yaracuy: Zyad Naime, the party’s political secretary in the state, and Carmen Salazar, the political secretary in Bruzual municipality. Naime was detained by National Anti-Extortion and Kidnapping Command (CONAS) officials, and Salazar by officials from the Directorate General of Military Counterintelligence (DGCIM).

Opposition under siege

The crackdown continued against María Corina Machado’s party Vente Venezuela, which accounts for 67 (29.9%) of the 221 arrests recorded by January 10. However, the persecution also extended to allied and unaffiliated parties, affecting those within and outside the opposition alliance Plataforma Unitaria Democrática (PUD).

Other major parties affected were Primero Justicia with 35 arrests (16.1%), Encuentro Ciudadano with 20 (9.2%), Voluntad Popular with 20 (9.2%), Acción Democrática with 13 (5.9%), Un Nuevo Tiempo (six or 2.7%), and smaller parties like La Causa R and Convergencia with four each (1.8%).

One of the most notable cases in 2024 was the arrest of Voluntad Popular leader Freddy Superlano on July 30. At the time, Chief Prosecutor Tarek William Saab stated that Superlano was “cooperating” and “providing information” to authorities. His family and lawyers have not been allowed to see him since his detention.

Another high-profile case involved Pedro Guanipa, Vice President of Primero Justicia in Zulia, who also headed the Maracaibo mayor’s office and is the brother of prominent opposition leader Juan Pablo Guanipa. Pedro was intercepted on September 26 while traveling to Bogotá.

Convergencia’s national coordinator, Biaggio Pilieri, was detained along with his son—who was later released—after attending a rally on August 28. Pilieri was brought before the courts and accused of alleged crimes including conspiracy, association to commit crimes, incitement to hatred, terrorism, and treason.

Noel Álvarez was deemed a terrorist by Cabello on live television before being captured. Cabello called for the implementation of “Operation Tun Tun”—the deployment of security forces involving raids and arrests of government opponents.

Superlano, Guanipa, and Pilieri remain in custody at the SEBIN headquarters in El Helicoide, in Caracas. Of the 221 political actors detained, at least 12 are held in this place. Thirty-eight were sent to the Aragua Penitentiary Center (commonly known as Tocorón), 20 to Tocuyito Prison, and others were place in different facilities of SEBIN, the National Guard, the Scientific Investigations Corps (CICPC), and local police stations. The exact whereabouts of others remain unknown.

To this date, only 61 individuals have been released out of 221 detainees.

Journalists and activists behind bars

The wave of arrests also included 23 journalists and six human rights defenders. On January 9, Julio Balza, a member of Machado’s press team, was detained by SEBIN in the Chacao municipality of Miranda, according to the National Union of Press Workers (SNTP).

In Maracaibo, Zulia, journalist Leandro Palmar of LUZ Radio and cameraman Belises Salvador Cubillán, part of the same reporting team, were detained by National Guards during a protest in Plaza de la República.

“They intend to charge them with terrorism, conspiracy, and incitement to hatred,” reported the National College of Journalists (CNP). “We demand their immediate release and an end to the attacks on the press,” the CNP added in another statement.

As of January, 16 (69.6%) journalists had been released. Notably, four releases took place on December 22 and 24.

At least three detainees have died from health complications exacerbated by inadequate medical attention while in state custody.

Among the activists, Carlos Correa, director of NGO Espacio Público, was reported missing on January 7 after being intercepted by masked men on Avenida Bolívar in Caracas. His organization stated on X: “On January 11, the Venezuelan government once again denied knowing the whereabouts of Carlos Correa. Sebin’s El Helicoide headquarters, DGCIM, and Zone 7 of the National Police all claim he is not there (…) We continue searching.” The Inter-American Court of Human Rights issued precautionary measures for his protection.

Only three human rights defenders—Kennedy Tejera, a Foro Penal activist and lawyer; Henry Gómez, an indigenous rights lawyer; and Nélida Sánchez, coordinator for the NGO Súmate—have been released.

Mayors under pressure

Municipal leaders have also been targeted. Five mayors were detained between July 28 and early January: José Mosquera Adarme, mayor of Lagunillas in Zulia; Jordan Sifuentes, mayor of Mejía in Sucre (the only opposition leader arrested in that state); Fernando Feo, mayor of Tinaquillo in Cojedes; Rafael Ramírez Colina, mayor of Maracaibo in Zulia; and Nabil Maalouf, mayor of Cabimas in Zulia.

Of these, only Mosquera was released on August 6, after five days in custody. The remaining mayors in Zulia were accused of being involved in a corruption scheme allegedly diverting public funds to finance PUD campaign activities.

Interior Minister Diosdado Cabello claimed that Juan Pablo Guanipa, a close ally of Machado, was involved in this alleged scheme. Guanipa stated that the accusations against him were obtained “under coercion” from his brother Pedro.

The impact of Con el Mazo Dando, Cabello’s late night show

Is there a connection between mentions of opposition leaders on the TV program Con el Mazo Dando and their arrests? Noel Álvarez was deemed a terrorist by Cabello on live television before being captured. Cabello called for the implementation of “Operation Tun Tun”—the deployment of security forces involving raids and arrests of government opponents.

Similarly, Jesús Armas, a Libertador municipality councilman, was arrested on December 10 after being named on the show.

Luis Palocz, a Chacao political leader and member of Machado’s campaign team, was also mentioned on December 4. Ten days later, Palocz was arrested by masked agents in the same municipality.

Elderly and health conditions at risk

Detentions did not discriminate by age or gender, with individuals ranging from teenagers to those over 70 years old being arrested, despite protections under Article 231 of the Organic Code of Criminal Procedure.

Several arrests violated these clauses, including Nicolás Espinoza Barrios, a member of the Unitary Platform in the agro-food sector; Williams Dávila, an Acción Democrática leader and former governor of Mérida; and Víctor Sandoval, a political secretary for Vente Venezuela.

Sandoval has hypertension, Espinoza suffers from diabetes and other chronic conditions requiring daily treatment, and Dávila has been rushed to the hospital twice for emergencies.

Other detainees also face health issues that put their lives at risk due to inadequate medical care, such as Carlos Chancellor, a leader of La Causa R and former mayor of Sifontes. Chancellor, arrested on August 7, has a history of high blood pressure and type II diabetes. Similarly, José Gregorio Camero, a journalist and AD member, suffers from acute coronary syndrome and coronary artery blockages, according to his family.

At least three detainees have died from health complications exacerbated by inadequate medical attention while in state custody. The most recent case was Osgual González, 43, who died on December 16 due to delayed treatment for his hepatitis at Tocuyito Prison. His son was released the same night.

Four days earlier, the death of Jesús Rafael Álvarez, 44, was reported at Tocuyito under “unknown causes.” His eldest son alleged that his father had suffered mistreatment and starvation while imprisoned.

Nearly a month earlier, on November 14, Jesús Martínez, a 36-year-old Vente Venezuela militant, passed away in an Anzoátegui hospital during surgery to amputate both legs. Martínez had suffered necrosis in both limbs while detained since the day after the presidential contest. Machado stated that he died because of the inhumane conditions in which he was held.

International Crime Court and international attention

In September 2024, the United Nations Fact-Finding Mission described the situation in Venezuela as “unprecedented repression” and one of the “most severe human rights crises in recent history.”

In early December, ICC Prosecutor Karim Khan emphasized the importance of protecting civilians in Venezuela. 

On January 7, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights released a report asserting that the Maduro government employs “state terrorism” practices to instill fear among the population. It attributes this to corruption and the president’s control over all public powers.